By David Martin Jones

ISBN-10: 1580460399

ISBN-13: 9781580460392

Through the Stuart monarchy oath taking grew to become a way to implement renowned allegiance to the king (who had turn into head of either the church and the kingdom through the prior Tudor reign). In an age more and more preoccupied by way of judgment of right and wrong, this at first helped to reinforce the monarch's strength. but, sarcastically, religiously and constitutionally prompted teams strongly objected to such country oaths, and the test through the crown to implement such unconditional allegiance served to create a countervailing culture that adverse it. This ebook discusses either the allure of the nation oath to executive as a devise to advertise and safe aid, and the explanations why moral sense declined in political relevance through the eighteenth century.

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191 ff. for the swearing-in procedure and the penalties attached to refusal or equivocation. See appendix for the text of the oath. 4 M. M. Goldsmith, Allegiance, University of Exeter Inaugural Lecture (Exeter, 1971), p. 17. Page 2 The legitimacy of moral resistance has notably informed influential normativist theories advanced, from somewhat different perspectives, by John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin. 5 A moral or intuitive basis for resistance has similarly informed the work of those particularist critics of normativism who, following Michael Walzer and Alistair Macintyre, attend to the nuances of a local political tradition.

As such it offered interesting, but not necessarily promising, resources for the post-Reformation English state. What we first need to discuss, therefore, is the medieval constitutional role of the oath and how this legacy was subsequently adapted to suit the needs of the reformed English state after 1530. "9 Two developments that transformed European self-understandingChristianity and feudalismfundamentally affected the pagan oath. The feudal oath was Christianized and from Carolingian times the church assumed a growing responsibility for the infraction and implementation of oaths.

Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism Before its Triumph (Princeton, 1979), p. 69. 9 R. Dworkin cited in M. Walzer, Interpretation and Social Criticism, (Harvard, 1987), p. 28. 10 C. Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, 1989), p. 515. 12 Such reductionism is made plausible, despite caveats to the contrary, by the continuing tendency to see history and, more particularly, the history of political thought, leading to the triumph of one of a variety of universalistic ideological possibilities.

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