By Luise S. White

ISBN-10: 0253109833

ISBN-13: 9780253109835

ISBN-10: 0253216087

ISBN-13: 9780253216083

ISBN-10: 0253342570

ISBN-13: 9780253342577

On March 18, 1975, Herbert Chitepo, an African nationalist in exile and chairman of the battle council that struggled to free up Zimbabwe from white-ruled Rhodesia, used to be killed via a motor vehicle bomb. because then, there were 4 confessions and at the least as many accusations approximately who used to be accountable. within the Assassination of Herbert Chitepo, Luise White doesn't got down to unravel questions about who was once liable for this terrible homicide. in its place, in a mode that's as a lot homicide secret because it is background writing, she uncovers what's at stake within the a number of confessions and why Chitepo's assassination keeps to incite clash and controversy in Zimbabwe's nationwide politics. White casts doubt on reputable money owed of the homicide and addresses how and for whom background is written and the way myths and rules approximately civic tradition have been based in war-torn Zimbabwe. even though the reality in regards to the assassination of Herbert Chitepo may perhaps by no means be identified, readers will realize how one man's homicide keeps to unsettle Zimbabwe.

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They noted that before he joined ZANU in 1971, Nhari had been sent to Russia for military training in 1968 or ’69, where he had CHAPTER TWO 21 learned to use sophisticated Russian arms. ” Guns, whatever their country of origin, have a particularly important place in ZANLA’s history. ”13 When soldiers thought their weapons insufficient to that task, they did not mutiny, but found ways to avoid using them or to inscribe them with new meanings. When a Coloured man served, like many others, as a driver for Rhodesian security forces, he drove unarmed: their guns were “really surplus old hardware” and drivers simply put them under their seats.

The high command had made no provisions for ferrying cadres across the Zambezi River, so they often had to rely on canoes supplied by FRELIMO. The high command was out of touch and did not visit the front, let alone appreciate the difficulties there. The high command was riddled with corruption and tribalism. There were rumors that leaders misappropriated funds intended for the war. ” Codes of discipline were violated. ZANU’s chief of defense, Josiah Tongogara, had sent a case of whiskey and cigarettes to his relative, Josiah Tungamirai.

Under pressure from South Africa, Ian Smith released Nkomo and Sithole to attend a meeting in Lusaka on 8 November 1974 with the presidents of the frontline states: Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Samora Machel of Mozambique, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia—all of whom figure in this story—and Seretse Khama of Botswana. By then, ZANU’s external wing had a large and fractured bureaucracy, one that had begun to privilege armed struggle above all else. The dare—the war council—was elected every two years. The high command was the military leadership; it consisted of appointed political commissars and regional commanders.

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